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Vine Deloria Jr.A modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
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Content Warning: This section of the guide contains in-depth discussion and analysis of crimes against Indigenous Americans. The source text also contains some outdated terms. This language is avoided throughout this guide except in direct quotes and where the currently preferred language may cause confusion (such as using English names for tribes, rather than the original Indigenous names).
The opening chapter of Custer Died for Your Sins: An Indian Manifesto introduces several common myths and realities about contemporary Indigenous Americans. Deloria posits that white Americans often have the wrong approach when trying to connect with Indigenous people. Often, he says, well-meaning white people view Native people with pity and want to help tribes with their “plight.” Deloria believes that what most Indigenous people and tribes really want is to be allowed to govern themselves without unnecessary meddling from the United States government or white activists.
Deloria begins by criticizing those who proclaim distant Indigenous roots. He examines why many white people have stories about an “Indian princess” in their family history, a claim he heard frequently while working in Washington, DC. In Deloria’s view, many white families claim a woman as their long-lost Indigenous grandparent, rather than a man, because Native men are viewed as more violent and “savage.” Identifying her specifically as a princess gives them a tie to aristocracy and further legitimizes her as a respectable ancestor within white American culture. Deloria concludes:
While a real Indian grandmother is probably the nicest thing that could happen to a child, why is the remote Indian princess grandmother so necessary for many whites? Is it because they are afraid of being classed as foreigners? Do they need some blood tie with the frontier and its dangers in order to experience what it means to be American? Or is it an attempt to avoid facing the guilt they bear for the treatment of the Indian? (4).
In Deloria’s view, this claim largely stems from white Americans’ desire to assuage their guilt over the crimes of their ancestors. In some cases, it is also used as “proof” that a white person “understands” Indigenous Americans. This “understanding,” however, does not even require a white person to have vague Native roots. Deloria finds that many white Americans claim a deep understanding of Native culture simple because they know a Native person or have attended a tribal event. Typically, this knowledge emerges in the form of stereotypes, fetishization, and a desire to help fix the Indigenous peoples’ problems (without listening to what those people want or how they could be genuinely helpful).
This chapter explains the history of treaties between Native tribes and the federal government and the various laws that have been enacted throughout history to allow colonists to take Native land. Deloria opens by remarking about the hypocrisies he sees in the modern United States. Politicians like Richard Nixon and Lyndon Johnson repeatedly condemn Russia for never upholding political agreements, yet the United States has broken countless treaties with tribes over hundreds of years.
Deloria highlights a number of these broken treaties, both historic and modern. In the early years of European settlement, he posits that the tribes trusted their white neighbors because they had helped them survive and navigate the harsh American landscape. Faced with the prospect of selling land to the United States, a concept unfamiliar to most tribal members, many agreed with the caveat that they would retain hunting and fishing rights. As more Europeans arrived and expanded westward, the United States began to break treaties and push the Native population into smaller and smaller areas.
To Deloria, the injustice at the heart of this process stems from an idea that the land intrinsically belongs to whatever European nation “discovered” it (and by extension, to the United States) rather than to the tribes who lived there before colony building began. The Indigenous people could only claim land as their own if they used it in a way that aligned with the European lifestyle, such as farming or building permanent structures. Those who wished to live as they had for thousands of years were deemed incompetent. This thought process eventually led to the 1887 Dawes Act, which Deloria views as the most destructive moment in Native American history. With the passage of this and subsequent, similar laws, “civilized” Indigenous people were allowed to keep specific, government-defined allotments while the rest of their traditional territory was turned over to government control.
Although the Dawes Act was eventually repealed, Deloria points out that many laws and treaties regarding Indigenous Americans’ rights continue to be treated with disrespect well into the 20th century. At the time of the book’s writing, state governments in Washington, Oregon, and Idaho were in the process of violating longstanding Indigenous fishing rights on public land. This process was advertised as a conservation effort, but Deloria argues that it was truly a way to cater to wealthy, white sport fishermen at the expense of the Indigenous population.
In the 1950s, the United States government began to implement an “Indian termination policy.” Unlike previous efforts that aimed to literally terminate Indigenous people through genocide, this policy was aimed toward the termination of tribes’ federal government protection. Instead, tribes would be managed by the individual states that held their land. On the surface, this plan was advertised as a return to independence; tribal members would no longer be dependent on the federal government and would therefore be motivated to start businesses, buy personal land, and otherwise assimilate with mainstream American society. Deloria argues that the main purpose of these laws was to steal Native land in a new, less direct way and to rid the country of its “Indian problem” by giving Native people no choice but to assimilate to survive.
Deloria spends most of the chapter outlining specific ways that termination policies played out in the real world. The idea was first proposed within the federal government during the World War II (WWII) era when Republican legislators set out to strip the New Deal, and the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) became an easy target. Deloria explains that the early versions of the termination policy were relatively reasonable. William Zimmerman, who led the BIA in the late 1940s, offered specific lists of economically stable tribes who he believed would succeed without government help: a few that may achieve self-sufficiency with several years of continued assistance, and still others that had no clear path to self-reliance. Importantly, he considered the viewpoints of actual tribal leaders as a key part of this determination.
Zimmerman’s plan was ultimately determined to have little potential impact on the Department of Interior budget, but by the early 1950s, the idea of termination was cemented into the minds of many lawmakers. They began stripping tribes across the country of all federal benefits with the promise of rights that tribes had been requesting for years. Deloria expresses no surprise that the federal government rarely held up its end of these bargains.
Deloria gives several examples of specific terminations, the motivations behind them from government officials, and how the tribes were ultimately affected. The first tribe to undergo the termination process was a small Paiute group from Utah, whom Deloria believes was chosen only because Arthur Watkins, a Utah senator and major proponent of the termination process, did not want to appear biased toward Native people in his own state. Being a small, impoverished group, they also did not have adequate resources to successfully fight for their rights. Ultimately the tribe and their lands were placed in the hands of a private “trustee” with little care for or knowledge of their needs or way of life. They, furthermore, were not granted the one thing promised to them in the exchange: namely, the right to have tribal marriages recognized as federally legal.
In the first three chapters of Custer Died for Your Sins: An Indian Manifesto, Deloria lays the groundwork for targeted analysis laid out in later essays. As part of a larger reflection on The History of Indigenous Oppression in the United States, he also gives an outline of the history of Indigenous life in colonial America, especially ways that the United States political and social hierarchy has worked against Native people.
The first of the book’s eleven essays, “Indians Today: The Real and the Unreal,” outlines various erroneous beliefs and stereotypes that white Americans have about Native people. Deloria’s writing is direct and highly critical, but his style regularly reveals his dry sense of humor. He uses irony extensively, especially to highlight the inherent ridiculousness of various situations. An example of this comes in Chapter 1, when he posits that the entire Native population of the United States must have been female at some point, since every white person seems to have a Native grandmother but no Indigenous male relatives. Typically, humorous statements are used to set up more serious analysis.
By using this narrative style, Deloria deftly explains the many hypocrisies found in white society’s view of Native people. In these chapters, he reveals a basic contradiction found in most mainstream discussions of Indigenous life. On one hand, the mythical “Indian” is revered as an almost supernatural being. Common tropes like dreamcatchers, war bonnets, and sage wisdom are applied to all Native people regardless of tribal affiliation and are regarded as artifacts from a distant, mythologized past. This creates an impossible standard for any modern Native person to live up to, as they are at once expected to be productive members of mainstream capitalist society while also maintaining their traditional cultures in a way that satisfies white people’s expectation that they are sufficiently “Indian.”
Stereotypes and assumptions about Native people paint an inaccurate picture of a large, diverse group of people. In the second and third chapters, Deloria explains how these trends influence government policy toward tribes and thus negatively affect Native people not only conceptually, but literally. Deloria does not see this as an accident. He believes that, in many ways, the incorrect assessments of Native needs are intentional and serve to justify stealing tribal land. At the time Custer Died for Your Sins: An Indian Manifesto was written, federal termination was the most recent policy to have a devastating impact on tribes across the country. Deloria illustrates this with several case studies that highlight the various ways that termination was used to force tribes and states to follow federal plans, often to the detriment of all parties. In one example, the Klamath tribe of Oregon was denied access to $2.6 million that it had won in a case against the federal government unless the tribe agreed to termination. The tribe did not, and neither did the state of Oregon. Federal legislators quickly wrote and passed a termination bill, which almost collapsed the Oregon lumber industry as it would have suspended the sustainable logging industry that the Klamath people had run for years and initiated the immediate cutting of all trees on tribal land. With examples like this one, Deloria shows how termination bills and other policies not only damaged tribes, but the country. The sole purpose was to increase government control over more land.
By giving details about specific regulatory actions involving Native people through history, Deloria forms a basis for his later in-depth analysis. He makes a convincing argument that by and large colonial culture, especially the US federal government, has never had the best interests of Native people in mind. Directly genocidal policies ended as Indigenous people became more human in the white public imagination. However, tribal-federal relations well into the 20th century have often ended poorly for the tribes. In most cases, the reason for this was corporations or other white organizations asserting their control over land and resources. In the following chapters, Deloria will expand upon how non-governmental “friends” of the tribal people helped streamline this process both intentionally and unintentionally.