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Gitta SerenyA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
In November 1940 Stangl was promoted to run security at Schloss Hartheim, one of the hospitals used in the Nazi’s T4 euthanasia program. This program aimed to eliminate mentally and physically disabled people, who were deemed an economic burden on society. T4 referred to the headquarters address—Tiergartenstrasse 4—of the two most secret Nazi programs: the murder of disabled people under the guise of “mercy killings” and later, the “Final Solution.” Some of the people associated with the euthanasia program had good intentions, seeing death as a merciful release both for people with severe disabilities and their families. However, in practice, it became a program of organized murder in which “medical” functionaries at T4 decided on the life or death of tens of thousands of people.
Stangl claimed that at first, he was horrified by the program and refused the assignment. However, he changed his mind because the assignment would free him both from his hated boss, Prohaska, and his pending disciplinary action. Additionally, Stangl was told that such euthanasia was already legal in the US and USSR and that medical staff would administer careful examinations of the “patients.”
At Hartheim, Stangl first met Captain Christian Wirth (called “the savage Christian” for his brutality), who was the roving director of the dozen T4 facilities in Germany. Stangl hated Wirth, whom he described as “gross and florid” (126). Unlike the doctors at the hospital, Wirth didn’t talk of “mercy killings” but of eliminating useless mouths. Foreshadowing techniques he would later implement in his directorial role at the extermination camps, Wirth ensured that the arriving people were kept unaware of their imminent gassing, to prevent resistance.
In contrast to other surviving members of the T4 euthanasia program that Sereny interviewed, Stangl seems more troubled by it. At the time, he rationalized that the murders were in fact “mercy killings” after seeing a disabled teenager who had supposedly been refused from the T4 program. At this Catholic institution, a nun, a Mother Superior, and a priest all agreed it would be merciful to euthanize the teenager.
The efforts to keep the T4 euthanasia program secret weren’t entirely successful. Theresa knew of the program but didn’t know her husband was involved. Sereny notes that this is likely true, given how secretive Stangl was about his work, and because he likely suspected that as a devout Catholic, Theresa would oppose euthanasia. The people who lived around such hospitals also knew what was happening. In one letter from the time, the county court writes that in Hadamar (another hospital site):
The children [shout] after the blacked-out buses, ‘Here are some more coming to be gassed.’ [...] the smoke from the crematorium chimney is visible for miles. At night, Wirth’s experts, picked by the Berlin Gestapo […] drink themselves to oblivion in the little Hadamar Gasthof where the regular customers take care to avoid them (139).
Not everyone who knew of the program tacitly or explicitly supported it. Numerous Protestant and Catholic bishops protested the program, culminating in a German bishop, Clemens August von Galen, denouncing the program in 1941. Later that year, Hitler gave a verbal order to stop the program.
Euthanasia was widely discussed in Germany in 1933 due to changes to the criminal code. The German Catholic Church opposed euthanasia as antithetical to Christian morality but by 1935, the Nazis enacted laws mandating the compulsory sterilization of people with hereditary diseases. They also legalized abortions of fetuses suspected to inherit diseases.
Hitler understood the power of the Catholic Church, especially in Austria, and undertook steps to quash its opposition to the Nazi Party. Editors of Catholic publications were covertly replaced with Party members who then published Nazi ideology under the guise of Catholic doctrine. Such machinations tricked the populace into thinking the Church was in total agreement with Nazi policies. Worried that he’d face strong opposition from the Church, Hitler waited to enact his euthanasia program until he instigated World War II, knowing the war would distract from the program. The Nazis probed members of the Church to gauge how much opposition to expect. Hitler, certain that the Church would not unanimously oppose the T4 program, officially started the program in 1939.
Though some members of the German Catholic Church protested, these protests were isolated and the Church did nothing to actively oppose the program. It wasn’t until 1943 that Pope Pius XII denounced the euthanasia program after the Nazis had already killed 60,000-80,000 people as planned, While it had long been assumed that pressure from the public and the Church prompted Hitler to stop the program, Hitler only did so because the program had served its purpose. After the program officially ended, it continued covertly under the codename “14 f 13.” In this program, thousands of political prisoners, criminals, and Jews were designated as “incurable” and gassed. All the former T4 personnel Sereny interviews condemn 14 f 13 but claim they knew nothing about it at the time.
Stangl claims he was unaware that from November 1941 to his reassignment in February 1942, both Hartheim and Bernburg (another euthanasia institute, which he was tasked with closing) were used to gas healthy people in the 14 f 13 program. Sereny suspects Stangl is lying; however, Sereny allows that he may have distanced himself from the victims as he later did at Treblinka. In avoiding direct contact, he wouldn’t have seen that those designated as “invalids” on the forms he doubtlessly reviewed were completely healthy.
Sereny believes Stangl successfully hid the gassings at Hartheim from his wife. She suspects he did this not only out of obedience to secrecy he was bound to but out of fear that she would think less of him if she found out. After he finished closing Bernburg in February 1942, Stangl chose a vague, supposedly anti-partisan assignment in Lublin over returning to Linz and his hated boss, Prohaska.
The T4 euthanasia program was a forerunner to the extermination camps the Nazis established in Poland under Aktion Reinhardt—the plan to exterminate Polish Jews. The SS personnel who worked on the T4 euthanasia program became calloused to systematic murder, and as a result, were later transferred to the five extermination camps in Poland.
To better understand how people came to work in the T4 euthanasia program, Sereny talks to Dieter Allers, a lawyer who helped conceal the program’s true nature, and his wife, who worked as a secretary in the program. Both are unrepentant about their roles, still seeing the program as an endeavor to “improve the health of the nation” (212). Allers maintains that everyone who worked in the program—excluding the soldiers assigned to the crematoria—voluntarily applied for their positions. The program was desirable because it paid well and meant avoiding the dangerous front.
Sereny investigates Nazi hunter and Holocaust survivor Simon Wiesenthal's claim that the euthanasia institutes were formal schools that trained people for later work in the “Final Solution.” She finds that while they were not formal schools of murder, as he argued, the personnel there became accustomed to murder, such that when they arrived at the extermination camps, they were already inured to the horrors they were tasked with executing.
Following the official end of the T4 program, Wirth was reassigned to construct the extermination camp Chelmno-Kulmhof, which was originally designed as another euthanasia institute. Most medical personnel from T4 were not transferred to extermination camps but rather sent to Russia, working as medics behind the front lines. The plan was to employ these medical personnel in the euthanasia program designed for the rest of Europe after the war. Only 96 of the 400 SS men who had worked in the T4 program were assigned to the Aktion Reinhardt extermination camps.
These chapters hint at the crucial role the Catholic Church played in Stangl’s moral corruption. Sereny highlights the church’s role in the anecdote about Stangl visiting a Catholic institution for disabled children when he was the director at Hartheim. The clergy who worked there insisted that death would be a mercy for some of the patients there. All Stangl’s life, clergy members were lights of morality, and as he interpreted it, they told him euthanasia was moral. Here, Sereny highlights the social element of Stangl’s corruption that remained through his time at Treblinka: He was surrounded by people who affirmed that what he was doing was right.
The Church’s role comes up again when considering Theresa’s compliance with Stangl’s work. Theresa was a devout Catholic and was already angry with Stangl for officially renouncing Catholicism for his job. If Pope Pius XII had vehemently denounced the program to the world and, crucially, to German Catholics, Theresa might have been more likely to confront Stangl about his role in perpetuating euthanasia. Given her religious devotion, it’s at least possible that she wouldn’t have willingly sacrificed another part of her Catholic identity by staying with a man involved in a program the Pope had denounced. The Catholic Church failed to be the beacon of morality Catholics held it to be, ignoring eugenics programs when euthanasia is ostensibly against Catholic doctrine. In doing so, Sereny implies the Church was complicit in these murders, implicating its followers as well.
In highlighting the importance of the Church’s silence on the T4 euthanasia program, Sereny foreshadows its silence during the Holocaust and its role in helping Nazis escape Germany after the war (issues that are addressed in Part V). The measures Nazi leadership took to gauge the Church’s resistance to their euthanasia program indicate how much political power the Church had in Germany. Hitler knew that unanimous opposition from the Church would kill the program and harm him politically. The Church’s failure to condemn the T4 euthanasia program despite knowledge of its planned implementation opened the door for Hitler to execute his plans.
These chapters also display Sereny’s characteristic method of telling history through both micro and macro perspectives, combining the stories of individuals with documentative history. This method reflects Sereny’s belief that history is created by individuals, not organizations. The individual perspective—the oral histories from interview subjects—is crucial because it reveals how and why historical events happened as they did. This is particularly important when discussing atrocities because it prevents absolving perpetrators through abstraction; the victims of the T4 program were not killed by a faceless Nazi Party, but by individual actors. While these testimonies are integral to her work, Sereny doesn’t mistake them for facts; instead, she presents them alongside other stories and documented facts to ensure that history isn’t shaped by any one individual.
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