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48 pages 1 hour read

Nicholas Carr

The Shallows: What the Internet Is Doing to Our Brains

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2010

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Chapter 3-Digression 2Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 3 Summary: “Tools of the Mind”

Carr opens Chapter 3 with two examples of how advancements in technology affected the way people perceived themselves and the world: the map and the clock. Advancements in cartography changed the way people thought about geography, culture, and nations. Map historian Arthur Robinson argues that mapmaking even led to the “evolution of abstract thinking” and led to people thinking about physical space in abstract terms (41). Similarly, the clock shifted people’s experience of time from a natural process based on the sun to a mechanical process based on manmade increments like seconds and hours. For both the map and the clock, the largest shift in people’s thinking came when the technology became smaller and cheaper and therefore widely available for the everyday person.

Carr categorizes technology into four groups based on what human sense they augment: (1) physical technology, like the plow or the jet; (2) sense technology, like the microscope; (3) nature-changing technology, like birth control; and (4) intellectual technology, like the map, the clock, and the Internet. Carr identifies two schools of thought when it comes to understanding how technology interacts with people: the determinists, who see technology as a force that determines human development, and the instrumentalists, who see technology as a neutral tool. Carr argues that, though the “basic form of the human brain hasn’t changed much in the last forty thousand years” (48-49), the function of the brain has changed as a result of people’s interaction with intellectual technologies. The primary historical example of an intellectual technology changing the function of the brain is the printed word.

Many experiments have proven the structural and functional differences between the literate and the illiterate brain, as well as the differences between the brains of those who read and write in different alphabets. The earliest examples of writing are accounting tokens dating from around 8000 BCE, which “required the development of extensive new neural pathways in people’s brains, connecting the visual cortex with nearby sense-making areas of the brain” (52). Once the Sumerians invented cuneiform, those neural pathways had to develop again, connecting “areas involved not only in seeing and sense-making but in hearing, spatial analysis, and decision making” (53). This complex neurological process required time and brain power, so it was reserved for the elite. When the Greeks invented the alphabet, reading and writing became simpler and thus possible for a much larger section of society. In the fourth century BC, philosophers argued about whether writing was a positive or negative development for society, with the proponents of oral culture claiming that writing made people more forgetful and less naturally intelligent. Plato presented this debate in the Phaedrus—his transcription of a dialogue between his mentor Socrates and the Athenian aristocrat Phaedrus. In the dialogue, Socrates argues that—rather than serving as an aid to memory—writing tends to replace memory, making people more forgetful and giving them the appearance of wisdom without actual wisdom. Carr notes the irony in this argument, in that Socrates’ ideas on this subject (and all others) are available today only because his student Plato wrote them down. He also notes that writing and reading remained an elite technology until, like the map and the clock, it could be made available to the masses.

Chapter 4 Summary: “The Deepening Page”

Chapter 4 begins with the physical history of the book. Sumerians inscribed cuneiform on clay tablets. These could be organized and preserved but were not easily transported from one place to another, so they were reserved for important government or spiritual documents. Around 2500 BC, Egyptians invented the papyrus scroll, which was more portable and durable than the clay tablet but remained expensive to produce. As demand grew, the wax tablet became popular because it was cheaper to produce and could be reused. Wax tablets could be bound together in what was a precursor to the pages of a book. During the Middle Ages, as more people became literate, a demand arose for more convenient, less time-consuming modes of reading. This led to the gradual disappearance of scripture continua, the practice of writing out words in one long string, and the beginning of a standardized written sentence structure with punctuation marks and spaces. Carr writes, “The placing of spaces between words alleviated the cognitive strain involved in deciphering text, making it possible for people to read quickly, silently, and with greater comprehension” (63). Carr references several scientists who explain how “the prolonged, undistracted reading of a book” led to deep thinking and intellectual advancement (65). The new ease of reading also led to the rise of silent reading, which in turn encouraged more adventurous, private writing and more complex prose structures. These “advances in book technology” had “social consequences” (66), such as changes in education and architecture and a new sense of intellectual individualism.

For Carr, the final transformative shift in book technology came with the arrival of the Gutenberg printing press. Prior to the invention of the press, books were copied by hand, which made them both expensive and difficult to circulate widely. The expense also drove the content of the books, which remained reserved for government, spiritual, or personal documents. The printing press significantly decreased the price of books and thus increased access for the everyday person. This led to a rise in different types of literature—news, gossip, stories—that people could read, which in turn spread literacy quickly and broadly. Ultimately, widespread literacy encouraged widespread neurological development through deep reading, leading to changes in thinking and perceiving. Carr lists several key literary works and claims, “None of these momentous intellectual achievements would have been possible without the changes in reading and writing—and in perceiving and thinking—spurred by the efficient reproduction of long forms of writing on printed pages” (76).

Carr ends Chapter 4 suggesting that just as the technology of the book ushered in cognitive and social changes, so the technology of the Internet is once again changing human consciousness: “The pathways in our brains are once again being rerouted” (77).

Digression 2 Summary: “A Digression: On Lee de Forest and His Amazing Audion”

In the second digression, Carr describes a largely forgotten invention that he claims “had as decisive a role in shaping society as the internal combustion engine” (78): Lee de Forest’s audion. In 1906, de Forest created a device that could amplify weak electric currents, like those used for radio and telegraphs. The device, the audion, made it possible to transmit these signals wirelessly over long distances, forming the basis for all electronic media, from radio to television to the Internet. As with the printing press before it, the audion and its successors became smaller and cheaper over time, allowing electronic media to become more widespread. In 1956, de Forest published an article where he both praised his invention and worried that it would eventually make it possible for people to implant messages into one another’s brains.

Chapter 3-Digression 2 Analysis

At the end of Chapter 2, Carr raises the question of whether mankind’s tools can significantly impact cognition, and then he spends Chapter 3 answering this question with a resounding “yes” through three specific examples: the map, the clock, and the book. 

Following the argumentative style presented earlier in The Shallows, Carr stacks examples from different academic domains alongside commonplace, tangible examples. He opens the section on cartography by describing a child with a crayon, a common example connecting the lofty world of mapmaking to the familiar one of childhood. From this image, Carr discusses cartographer Vincent Varga and historian Arthur Robinson’s academic work with maps and human psychology. Carr summarizes his chronicle of the map and the clock this way: “The mechanical clock changed the way we saw ourselves. And like the map, it changed the way we thought” (43). Carr uses first-person, plural pronouns in this way throughout the book, imagining both himself and the reader as part of an imagined community consisting of all human beings across history. This rhetorical strategy reinforces his argument that The Internet’s Effect on Cognition forms part of a much longer history of intellectual technologies that changed the way people think.

Across Chapters 3 and 4, Carr uses the examples of letterpress printing and the largely forgotten but hugely influential audion to demonstrate his core claim that intellectual technologies have affected human cognition and culture at many points in the past. For each development Carr describes, he includes the specific technological change, the accompanying cognitive shift, and the long-term impact on human society. The letterpress allowed text to be printed in uniform lines with spaces between words, allowing for faster, easier reading and for the all-important development of silent reading. These developments changed the character of writing, making it more personal and introspective and thus producing a dramatic and lasting shift in human culture. Lee de Forest’s audion, in Carr’s view, serves the same purpose in the timeline of the Internet that the letterpress served in the timeline of literacy technology. The audion, like the press, was designed by one person with an economic goal; the technology was designed to be profitable for the inventor. The audion amplified the ability of a pre-existing technology, just as the letterpress made the pre-existing moveable type technology more efficient. Through this comparison between the audion and the letterpress, Carr suggests that economics, human cognition, and intellectual technology are intrinsically linked. Carr will explore this connection further in Chapter 8, “The Church of Google.”

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