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Martin Luther King Jr.A modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
King opens his introduction with two images: an African-American boy from Harlem and an African-American girl in Birmingham, both of whom would have been living in poor conditions. In 1963, these children would have wondered why African-Americans lived in such misery, if their African-Americans ancestors “had done some tragic injury to the nation” or not taken on the responsibility of fighting for liberty during the nation’s founding (xii).
King then contrasts the school history taught to such children and what these children would have known about actual American history. He gives examples of historical African-American figures such as American Revolutionary soldiers, Crispus Attucks, Benjamin Banneker, and the nameless slaves who built the nation’s infrastructure, wealth, and world dominance: “Wherever there was hard work, dirty work, dangerous work…Negroes had done more than their share” (xiii). The “pale history books” used to teach these children would have mentioned the Civil War and the Emancipation Proclamation, but the status of African-Americans would have made it obvious that racial equality still had not been achieved (xiii).
These children would also have been aware of the current events of 1963, including the wave of decolonization on the African continent, the exclusion of African-Americans from public spaces like restaurants because of discriminatory segregation laws, employment discrimination in the nation’s capital, and Southern states’ defiance of Supreme Court rulings that struck down segregationist laws. The children would have known that the 100th anniversary of the Emancipation Proclamation was in 1963, but events in Montgomery, Birmingham, and New York would have made them question if the freedom promised was real.
In 1963, writes King, the boy and the girl “joined hands, and took a firm, forward step” that “rocked the richest, most powerful nation to its foundation” (xiv). King’s book is an effort to tell their story.
Despite expectations of a peaceful and pleasant year to come, in 1963, America’s “social climate” was stormy, erupting into what King calls “America’s third revolution—the Negro Revolution” (2). Civil disturbances driven by “a submerged minority” (2) overtook many cities, echoing European revolutionary movements of the previous century. Their rebellion shook the U.S. on a large scale in businesses, and government buildings, and in the streets.
While the nation had been sympathetic to the plight of African-Americans, there had always been the expectation that African-Americans would patiently and silently bear the injustices heaped on them. When the Negro Revolution came, it was “generated quietly” but attained “a force of frightening intensity” once it arrived (3). King warns his readers that this revolution is not yet at its peak. It is important, therefore, “to understand the history that is being made today” (3).
King then compares his 1958 stabbing with a letter opener by an insane woman with the political situation in the summer of 1963. The surgeon who operated on him explained that the knife was so close to his aorta that if he “had sneezed” while waiting for the surgery to remove it, King would have died (4). “The knife of violence” exercised the same kind of danger to the country in the summer of 1963 (4). King goes on to explain that several forces allowed the country to avert tragedy.
Before one understands how they averted tragedy, it is necessary to understand why the summer of 1963 was so explosive. King identifies Southern attempts to subvert the 1954 school segregation ruling (with the Supreme Court’s acquiescence) with the Pupil Placement Law as one reason for the events of 1963. This law allowed Southern states to continue segregating schools while claiming, through tokenism, that they were complying with the desegregation order. This obstruction caused disillusionment among African-Americans.
The second cause for the revolution in 1963 was the failure of both the Democratic and Republican Parties to live up to the civil rights promises they’d made in their political platforms during the election of 1960. Republicans cooperated with reactionary elements in their own party. The Democratic president, John F. Kennedy, did follow through with his promises to address housing discrimination but did not address the discriminatory lending and banking practices that were at the root of the problem.While Kennedy’s administration believed it was doing all that it could and did do more later, African-Americans were not convinced in the summer of 1963 that they were getting his best.
International events were the third cause. While the U.S. was willing to threaten nuclear war to ensure freedom in other places during the Cold War, it would not do the same for its own African-American citizens. In addition, African countries were liberating themselves from European colonial powers. Their example in ruling and participation in the United Nations, coupled with African leaders’ criticism of African-Americans’ apparent passivity in the face of injustice, inspired African-Americans.
The final reason was the anniversary of the Emancipation Proclamation. While government on all levels made plans to mark the occasion, it was not lost on African-Americans that Lincoln had granted African-Americans only “physical freedom” (12).
In 1963, African-Americans were on a “lonely island of economic insecurity in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity” because of the overlap between segregation and poverty (12). Lacking access to “normal” education and “social and economic opportunities,” African-Americans could not escape this island (13). Unemployment, higher than normal rates of work outside the home for African-American women, and the vulnerability of African-Americans to job loss caused by automation showed the negative economic impact of inequality.
The anniversary of the Emancipation Proclamation simply provided an occasion to make the lack of progress in these areas more obvious. However, the reasons mentioned above alone were not enough to explain 1963. “Nonviolent direct action,” while not native to the United States, became a “powerful and just weapon” that allowed the freedom movement to achieve its aims without violence (16).
Martin Luther King’s major purpose in both the introduction and the first chapter is to justify the timing of what he calls the “Negro Revolution.” Usingpersuasive appeals, King makes the case for seeing the events of the summer of 1963 as a long overdue response to discrimination against African-Americans. He is able to advance his argument by establishing his credibility as an interpreter of American history.
King opens the chapter with an appeal to emotion. The two typical African-American children King describes in the Introduction are figures who pull at the heartstrings of the reader. They are young, innocent, blameless figures who, as portrayed by King, have been disadvantaged from the moment of birth. The deprivation they experience contradicts the principle of fairness that is supposed to be at the heart of America’s ideals.
King’s appeal to emotion as a means of persuasion is also apparent in his diction and imagery. When King describes the impact of inequality on the economic status of African-Americans, he not only does so with statistics; he also uses the phrase “lonely island of economic insecurity in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity” (12). The use of “lonely” humanizes African-Americans for his audience by adding emotion to the cold, hard facts of unemployment, while the use of parallel grammatical structure in the two parts of the sentence underscores the stark contrast between blacks and all other Americans(12).
King’s appeals to emotion are not just designed to inspire sympathy. They are also designed to inspire fear. His description of the intensity of 1963 as “frightening” and as “the knife of violence” (4) would have echoed the response of many whites who were indeed frightened by the images of African-Americans in open revolt against the status quo (3). King establishes his credibility by providing a way out of this threat of violence. His recounting of his near-assassination in 1958 and his transformation of that assassination attempt into a metaphor for the danger in which the nation found itself in the summer of 1963 make it clear to the audience that he is a man who has been the object of violence but is so passionate about his cause that he has presented his body as a sacrifice.
While King relies heavily on emotion to persuade the reader, he balances out that form of appeal with appeals to reason. His emphasis on the incomplete nature of the Emancipation Proclamation of African-Americans is just one example of his use of historical facts to show that the time for waiting has passed. His discussion of the impact of automation on African-Americans and their high unemployment rate show that action now is grounded in facts. His use of African decolonization as an example of historical trend makes the same kind of movement in the U.S. seem only natural.
King’seffective use of appeals to emotion and logic helps him to advance his argument that 1963 was the proper time for action.
By Martin Luther King Jr.
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